Comment:
As talk of violence, another coup d'etat, and mass confrontation continues to haunt the Thai political landscape, the maligned "no to the coup, no to Thaksin" position continues to gain credibility in Thailand, offering ways of rethinking the crisis and ways out of the current conjuncture of polarised adversaries. It is alarming that some Nation columnists are more or less accepting that violence will now be the only way of out the crisis.
Away from the headlines, and the casual bile of much commentary on webboards on Thai politics, the internal debates are much more complex and nuanced than some commentators would allow. The full discussion on the Prachatai website involves criticism of the use of lese majeste, and a recognition that all sections of the upper echelons of Thai society are largely free from scrutiny. The debate is now moving in the direction of a fuller reappraisal of Thai society. If authoritarian populism or elite liberalism are to be transcended, the the question requiring urgent attention, and which is now being posed by popular sentiment, is "where are the masses in the political equation?".
Below, part of the transcript of a seminar held several days ago in Chiang Mai is reproduced from the excellent website prachatai.com
**********************************************************
Seminar at Chiang Mai (Part 1): The blind men and the elephant; different thinking makes you an enemy’
Prachatai
11 June 2008
News
On 4 June 2008, the Democracy for a Welfare State Group, Midnight University, and various Chiang Mai-based civil society organizations jointly organized a seminar on the Thai political crisis, coup d’état, and solutions at the 4th floor Meeting Room, Faculty of Social Sciences, Chiang Mai University.
The speakers were Associate Professor Dr. Attachak Sattayanurak (Department of History, Faculty of Humanities, Chiang Mai University), Mr. Chamnan Chanruang (Midnight University Academic), Mr. Somsak Yo-inchai (Northern Farmers Coalition), Mr. Suchart Trakulhutip (Friends of Women Foundation), Assistant Professor Somchai Preechasilpakul (Dean of the Faculty of Law, Chiang Mai University), and Associate Professor Somkiat Tangnamo (Rector of Midnight University). The seminar was moderated by Mr. Suepsakul Kijjanukorn (Masters Degree Student, Department of Social Development, Chiang Mai University).
This is the transcript of the seminar:
1.
Atajak Satayanurak
Faculty of History, Faculty of Humanities, Chiang Mai
“Creating a new environment and situation or constitutional amendment through the broad participation of the people should be the best solution. The conflicting groups could see the positions which could complement each other in this political society. Broad participation means that each group can put forward their political demands and understand the needs of other groups. Different groups will then understand each other more.”
The proposal of the Midnight University, which I regard as the most neutral one, is to create a new environment and situation by amending the constitution. Broad popular participation must take place. This should be the best solution as the conflicting groups could see the positions which could complement to each other in this political society. Broad participation means that each group can put forward their political demands and understand the needs of other groups.
The current political situation is not just a conflict among the ruling class, although we see it as a conflict between the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD) and its leaders and Thaksin and his nominees.
In reality, the conflict is rooted deep in the society. The National Social and Economic Development plans throughout the past 40 years have created an army of the poor. The poor in the past did not feel that they were poor, but now they do think that they are.
Being poor is not as important as knowing that you are poor. The recognition of class politics has moved from ‘class by itself’ to ‘class for itself’. It is through this process that the question arises as to what the conflict between the classes will lead to.
I think that both sides will not back down because it is a political struggle for their respective classes. The poor people might think of Thaksin, but it does not mean that Thaksin is the leader. However, it is Thaksin who gives them hope and shows them a new perspective on the world.
Under these circumstances, the conflict between the two sides will lead to a higher level of pressure as neither side will back down. I believe that the anti-PAD movement in the provinces is multiplying. Although many claim that this is done in an organized way, but without a reason it cannot emerge here and there. An anti-PAD network was created in Chiang Mai yesterday, and I foresee more in other parts of the country.
Similarly, PAD is also organizing groups in support of them. These activities are present in Chiang Mai and also in Southern Thailand. It is more difficult to come up with a solution under these circumstances.
The proposal of the Midnight University, which I regard as the most neutral one, is to create a new environment and situation by amending the constitution. Broad popular participation must take place. This should be the best solution as the conflicting groups could see the positions which could complement to each other in this political society. Broad participation means that each group can put forward their political demands and understand the needs of other groups. Different groups will then understand each other more. This proposal has been put forward by 137 academics.
I think that this would be a good solution under the current situation. Different classes will see each other more clearly and understand one another better. I hope that in this way, emotions and anger will decrease.
The political paradigm that we are facing now is an outcome of development policies where the poor have been suppressed. A coup d’état cannot be the answer and it should not be necessary to explain why a coup d’état is not good. But definitely a coup d’état can never solve this problem.
Translated by Pokpong Lawansiri
Read More
Showing posts with label constitution. Show all posts
Showing posts with label constitution. Show all posts
June 11, 2008
June 4, 2008
Thailand: The Resilience of the Third Force
Comment
In recent weeks as the politics of the People's Power Party have become clearer (ensure no revisiting of the accountability agenda of 2004-2006) and as the impasse politics of the People's Alliance for Democracy have intensified, the "no-to the two-camps" position of 2006 is emerging as a tangible third force in the Thai political equation. The position that democracy means more than submission to crown and khaki or capital, which is what was on offer, remains resilient and relevant to those seeking a way that lies beyond elite liberalism or authoritarian populism.
Below, find reproduced two indications of this emergence. A viable politics that has at its centre genuine democratic deliberation in free conditions is emerging. It looks vibrant when set againt the compromised positions of the pro-coup or pro-Thaksin positions.
FROM Prachatai English Site.
Academic advisor for the poor talks about the PAD
Thai Post
04 June 2008
News
Prapart Pintobtang, lecturer at Chulalongkorn’s Political Science Faculty and advisor to the Assembly of the Poor, speaks frankly about the latest moves by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD). Years of having supported the causes of the poor have made him no stranger at all to some PAD leading members who are from the so-called ‘people’s sector’. Yet, finally, he touches on issues which in the past couple of years have become acrimonious among NGOs and people’s movements, and on which many ‘people’s sector’ insiders have chosen to have reservations.
Prapart was among 137 academics who recently proposed the drafting of a whole new constitution as an alternative to the polarized politics. As one among people with ‘2 No’s’—No Thaksin and No Coup—he earlier signed a petition against the Samak government’s unfair transfers of civil servants, while he was also among 130 academics who condemned the Manager Group for instigating human rights violations. (See 130 activists and academics condemn Manager media group)
Now he talks about the PAD rally in such a way that the PAD will probably see him as yet another enemy, because he does not want to see another coup.
Backward and fanatically nationalistic
He went to see the PAD rally on May 25.
‘I felt what I saw was a war of hatred. The theme was the monarchy, or the trinity of Nation, Religion, and Monarchy, with all the rest being linked to this theme. Under this theme, anybody who doesn’t identify with the PAD is pushed to the other side among those who are destroying this ideology and are trying to build what the PAD calls a republic.’
Read More
From the Bangkok Post
Change, yes. Now, no.
June 4, 2008
By Nidhi Eoseewong
For Thai society, there is no worse moment to amend the constitution than now. Even though a consensus has been more or less reached about whether we should change the charter, some blood was shed on the streets. If we actually get down to rewriting the text, we could be butchering one another
...
At this juncture, I see no plausible way to end this conflict other than to allow the whole society to take part in drafting the new charter themselves. We will have to resort to having a public hearing on each important aspect of the constitution, for example how the electorate should be divided? One-person-one-vote? Small constituencies or large ones?
I hope that the process of arguing and discussing these important issues regarding the constitution would divert society to a more reasonable conflict than the trading of accusations that we are facing at present. We can have legal hands do the actual rewriting of the charter, but the concept must come from the results of public hearings.
Read full article
In recent weeks as the politics of the People's Power Party have become clearer (ensure no revisiting of the accountability agenda of 2004-2006) and as the impasse politics of the People's Alliance for Democracy have intensified, the "no-to the two-camps" position of 2006 is emerging as a tangible third force in the Thai political equation. The position that democracy means more than submission to crown and khaki or capital, which is what was on offer, remains resilient and relevant to those seeking a way that lies beyond elite liberalism or authoritarian populism.
Below, find reproduced two indications of this emergence. A viable politics that has at its centre genuine democratic deliberation in free conditions is emerging. It looks vibrant when set againt the compromised positions of the pro-coup or pro-Thaksin positions.
FROM Prachatai English Site.
Academic advisor for the poor talks about the PAD
Thai Post
04 June 2008
News
Prapart Pintobtang, lecturer at Chulalongkorn’s Political Science Faculty and advisor to the Assembly of the Poor, speaks frankly about the latest moves by the People’s Alliance for Democracy (PAD). Years of having supported the causes of the poor have made him no stranger at all to some PAD leading members who are from the so-called ‘people’s sector’. Yet, finally, he touches on issues which in the past couple of years have become acrimonious among NGOs and people’s movements, and on which many ‘people’s sector’ insiders have chosen to have reservations.
Prapart was among 137 academics who recently proposed the drafting of a whole new constitution as an alternative to the polarized politics. As one among people with ‘2 No’s’—No Thaksin and No Coup—he earlier signed a petition against the Samak government’s unfair transfers of civil servants, while he was also among 130 academics who condemned the Manager Group for instigating human rights violations. (See 130 activists and academics condemn Manager media group)
Now he talks about the PAD rally in such a way that the PAD will probably see him as yet another enemy, because he does not want to see another coup.
Backward and fanatically nationalistic
He went to see the PAD rally on May 25.
‘I felt what I saw was a war of hatred. The theme was the monarchy, or the trinity of Nation, Religion, and Monarchy, with all the rest being linked to this theme. Under this theme, anybody who doesn’t identify with the PAD is pushed to the other side among those who are destroying this ideology and are trying to build what the PAD calls a republic.’
Read More
From the Bangkok Post
Change, yes. Now, no.
June 4, 2008
By Nidhi Eoseewong
For Thai society, there is no worse moment to amend the constitution than now. Even though a consensus has been more or less reached about whether we should change the charter, some blood was shed on the streets. If we actually get down to rewriting the text, we could be butchering one another
...
At this juncture, I see no plausible way to end this conflict other than to allow the whole society to take part in drafting the new charter themselves. We will have to resort to having a public hearing on each important aspect of the constitution, for example how the electorate should be divided? One-person-one-vote? Small constituencies or large ones?
I hope that the process of arguing and discussing these important issues regarding the constitution would divert society to a more reasonable conflict than the trading of accusations that we are facing at present. We can have legal hands do the actual rewriting of the charter, but the concept must come from the results of public hearings.
Read full article
May 24, 2008
Thai Constitutions and the lineage of of Article 7”
“Lineage of Article 7”
Article 7 was perhaps one of the most well known articles of the 1997 Constitution during the 2005-2006 rallies against Thaksin Shinawatra. It was used first to call for political reform initiated by the king and then later for a royally appointed government, which the king famously rejected in late April 2006.
In "Article of Faith" I look at how this article was inserted into the 1997 constitution, noting that it was an attempt to safeguard conservative notions of rule.
Article 7 reads:
"Whenever no provision under this Constitution is applicable to any case, it shall be decided in accordance with the constitutional practice in the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the State" (Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, 1997).
The above is an official translation of Article 7, and it's how I have referred to it elsewhere, as have others. It's worth noting that a more literal translation would be:
"Whenever no provision under this Constitution is applicable to any case, it shall be decided in accordance with traditions/conventions of governmment (ประเพณีการปกครอง) in a democratic regime with the king as head of state."
The term 'constitutional practice' then should be understood in the manner of Britain's unwritten constitution.
When Article 7 was inserted into the 1997 draft constitution a veteran left politician noted that its substance was in accord with the far ranging powers contained in coup-generated constitutions. That claim was right. Its first appearance was in the 1959 constitution under Sarit. Interestingly though, the term “democratic regime with the king as head of state” appears in this context only in the 1997 constitution, the 2006 interim constitution and the pseudo-referendum constitution of 2007.
Variations on Article 7 are found in all constitutions (differently numbered) from 1959 with the exception of the 1968 constituion.
2502 1959
มาตรา ๒๐ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณี
นั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคก่อนเกิดขึ้นในวงงาน
ของสภา หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภาวินิจฉัย ให้สภาวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2514 1971
มาตรา ๒๒ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญการปกครองนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้
วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตยในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณี
ใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงานของสภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัย ให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2519 1976
มาตรา๒๕ เมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณี
นั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
2520 1977
มาตรา ๓๐ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญการปกครองนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้
วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงาน
ของสภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ วินิจฉัยให้ สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2534 1991
มาตรา ๓๐ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญการปกครองนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้
วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวกับการวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงาน
ของสภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัย ให้
สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2540 1997
มาตรา ๗ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัย
กรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองในระบอบประชาธิปไตยอันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็นประมุข
2549 2006
มาตรา ๓๘ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณี
นั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตยอันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็น ประมุข
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงานของ
สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเมื่อมีกรณีที่คณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยให้สภานิติ
บัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2550 2007
มาตรา ๗ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองระบอบประชาธิปไตยอันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็นประมุข
{this post was edited on 2/12/2010 to correct an error)
Article 7 was perhaps one of the most well known articles of the 1997 Constitution during the 2005-2006 rallies against Thaksin Shinawatra. It was used first to call for political reform initiated by the king and then later for a royally appointed government, which the king famously rejected in late April 2006.
In "Article of Faith" I look at how this article was inserted into the 1997 constitution, noting that it was an attempt to safeguard conservative notions of rule.
Article 7 reads:
"Whenever no provision under this Constitution is applicable to any case, it shall be decided in accordance with the constitutional practice in the democratic regime of government with the King as Head of the State" (Constitution of the Kingdom of Thailand, 1997).
The above is an official translation of Article 7, and it's how I have referred to it elsewhere, as have others. It's worth noting that a more literal translation would be:
"Whenever no provision under this Constitution is applicable to any case, it shall be decided in accordance with traditions/conventions of governmment (ประเพณีการปกครอง) in a democratic regime with the king as head of state."
The term 'constitutional practice' then should be understood in the manner of Britain's unwritten constitution.
When Article 7 was inserted into the 1997 draft constitution a veteran left politician noted that its substance was in accord with the far ranging powers contained in coup-generated constitutions. That claim was right. Its first appearance was in the 1959 constitution under Sarit. Interestingly though, the term “democratic regime with the king as head of state” appears in this context only in the 1997 constitution, the 2006 interim constitution and the pseudo-referendum constitution of 2007.
Variations on Article 7 are found in all constitutions (differently numbered) from 1959 with the exception of the 1968 constituion.
2502 1959
มาตรา ๒๐ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณี
นั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคก่อนเกิดขึ้นในวงงาน
ของสภา หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภาวินิจฉัย ให้สภาวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2514 1971
มาตรา ๒๒ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญการปกครองนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้
วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตยในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณี
ใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงานของสภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัย ให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2519 1976
มาตรา๒๕ เมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณี
นั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
2520 1977
มาตรา ๓๐ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญการปกครองนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้
วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงาน
ของสภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ วินิจฉัยให้ สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2534 1991
มาตรา ๓๐ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งธรรมนูญการปกครองนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้
วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตย
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวกับการวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงาน
ของสภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเกิดขึ้นโดยคณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัย ให้
สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2540 1997
มาตรา ๗ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัย
กรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองในระบอบประชาธิปไตยอันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็นประมุข
2549 2006
มาตรา ๓๘ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณี
นั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองประเทศไทยในระบอบประชาธิปไตยอันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็น ประมุข
ในกรณีมีปัญหาเกี่ยวแก่การวินิจฉัยกรณีใดตามความในวรรคหนึ่งเกิดขึ้นในวงงานของ
สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติ หรือเมื่อมีกรณีที่คณะรัฐมนตรีขอให้สภานิติบัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยให้สภานิติ
บัญญัติแห่งชาติวินิจฉัยชี้ขาด
2550 2007
มาตรา ๗ ในเมื่อไม่มีบทบัญญัติแห่งรัฐธรรมนูญนี้บังคับแก่กรณีใด ให้วินิจฉัยกรณีนั้นไปตามประเพณีการปกครองระบอบประชาธิปไตยอันมีพระมหากษัตริย์ทรงเป็นประมุข
{this post was edited on 2/12/2010 to correct an error)
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